Early Life and Military Foundations
Manuel Noriega was born in Panama City on February 11, 1934, into a modest family with Colombian roots. There is some ambiguity about his exact birth year, as different records and Noriega’s own accounts give conflicting dates – 1934, 1936, and even 1938. Despite this uncertainty, what is not contested is his modest socioeconomic background and early determination to pursue a military career.
Noriega initially sought entry into the medical field, but barriers related to educational access led him instead to pursue military training. He attended the prestigious Chorrillos Military School in Lima, Peru, and later received specialized instruction at the U.S. School of the Americas at Fort Gulick in the Panama Canal Zone, where he was trained in intelligence and counter‑insurgency operations. These institutions, especially the School of the Americas, have long been criticized for teaching repressive tactics that later came to define many of their graduates’ regimes.
Upon returning to Panama in the early 1960s, Noriega joined the National Guard. He quickly demonstrated political savvy and loyalty to those in power, rising through the ranks and forming key alliances – most notably with General Omar Torrijos, who ruled Panama after a 1968 military coup. Torrijos’s regime, backed loosely by Washington, sought to modernize Panama’s army and assert political control over civilian affairs.
From Intelligence Chief to De Facto Ruler
Under Torrijos, Noriega became chief of military intelligence – the feared G‑2 – where he developed a reputation for ruthlessness toward political opponents. G‑2 was central to monitoring, intimidating, and neutralizing dissidents and was widely feared within Panama. Noriega’s work in this capacity caught the attention of the United States, and by the 1970s he had become an asset to U.S. intelligence, particularly the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). He was seen as a key intermediary in regional Cold War dynamics.
Noriega’s relationship with U.S. agencies was emblematic of broader geopolitical priorities: the strategic goal of countering communism and regional instability in Central America often led U.S. intelligence to collaborate with local military figures, even those involved in illicit activities. Panama’s geographic position – as the gateway between oceans and home to the crucial Panama Canal – made its military leadership vital to U.S. interests. Noriega assisted in intelligence efforts and, at times, facilitated trans‑shipment operations that helped U.S. priorities in the region.
When Torrijos died in a plane crash in 1981, Noriega quickly maneuvered politically to fill the void. By 1983 he had consolidated command of the armed forces – reorganized into the Panamanian Defense Forces – and elevated himself to the rank of general, becoming the de facto leader of Panama. Importantly, Noriega never formally held the presidency; instead, he ruled through a series of pliant civilian presidents who served as puppets while real authority resided with him and the military.
Repression, Corruption, and the Dark Side of Authority
Once in power, Noriega’s regime quickly revealed its authoritarian essence. His government was marked by systematic repression, electoral manipulation, and the purge of dissent. Although Panama remained outwardly stable relative to nearby civil wars and insurgencies in Central America, the internal climate was oppressive. Political opponents, journalists, and activists faced harassment, imprisonment, or worse — including assassination and forced disappearances.
Internationally, Noriega’s conduct increasingly drew criticism. Grand juries in the United States — particularly in Miami and Tampa — began indicting him in the late 1980s on charges that included drug trafficking, racketeering, and money laundering. These indictments revealed that Noriega had been laundering narcotics profits through Panamanian financial networks and facilitating international drug flows, even while receiving payments and operational support from U.S. agencies in other arenas.
The contrast was stark: Noriega was simultaneously viewed as an asset in regional intelligence efforts and a liability due to his involvement in the drug trade. This dual identity illustrates the often‑contradictory nature of Cold War alliances — where ideological alignment against communism sometimes trumped concerns over lawlessness and corruption.
Tensions with the United States and Operation Just Cause
By the late 1980s, relations between Noriega and the United States deteriorated rapidly. Political tensions escalated after Noriega canceled the 1989 presidential election, which was widely believed to have been won by the opposition candidate backed by Washington. In response, civilian protests erupted and were met with force. Meanwhile, U.S. officials ramped up diplomatic pressure and sanctions.
The breaking point came in December 1989. Panama declared a state of war against the United States, and confrontations between Panamanian troops and U.S. military personnel resulted in casualties, including the death of an American Marine. These incidents, combined with escalating indictments and perceived threats to U.S. citizens in Panama, provided the Bush administration with the justification to launch Operation Just Cause — a full‑scale invasion of Panama in late December 1989.
Over the course of the invasion, approximately 20,000 U.S. troops were deployed, and intense urban combat took place in Panama City and surrounding areas. While U.S. forces achieved their objectives swiftly, the human cost was significant: estimates of Panamanian civilian deaths range from several hundred to several thousand, reflecting both the intensity of the fighting and the challenges of accurate casualty reporting in chaotic conflict zones.
After several days of fighting, Noriega attempted to evade capture by seeking refuge in the Vatican diplomatic mission in Panama City. For ten days he resisted, creating a standoff that became emblematic of his final days in power. U.S. forces resorted to psychological operations, including continuous broadcasts of loud rock music directed at the compound, to pressure him into surrender. Finally, on January 3, 1990, Noriega surrendered to U.S. military forces.
Trials and Decades of Imprisonment
Once in U.S. custody, Noriega was transported to Miami and tried on multiple federal charges. In 1992, after a lengthy trial, he was convicted on counts that included cocaine trafficking, racketeering, and money laundering – offenses that carried a 40‑year prison sentence. Although the sentence was later reduced for good behavior, Noriega’s imprisonment stretched over many years, making him one of the most notorious dictators ever convicted in a U.S. court.
But his legal troubles did not end there. While serving his U.S. sentence, Noriega was also tried in absentia in France in 1999 and convicted of money laundering and related offenses. In 2010, after his appeals were exhausted, he was extradited to France, where he served a seven‑year sentence.
After completing his sentence there, Panama sought his return to face convictions back home for embezzlement, corruption, and the murder of political opponents – charges dating back to his time as military ruler. In 2011, Noriega was extradited to Panama and began serving multiple consecutive prison terms.
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